“If you’re going to break the Blue Wall, you need someone with Midwestern sensibilities and someone who has evangelical appeal,” Karl Rove told Trump. “There’s one guy who fits that description: Mike Pence”
did not care for most of the Republican leaders he’d met with after sealing the nomination in early May. This was especially true ofthe Speaker of the House, who had promptly attempted to tutor Trump with a PowerPoint briefing during a meeting at the Republican National Committee’s headquarters. Trump had no patience for him—“Okay, Paul, I get the point,” he snapped at the Speaker—finding Ryan dull and supercilious, “a fucking Boy Scout,” as he told friends after the meeting.
Wynn approved. But the next morning he called Rove back. Trump hated the column. Rove had castigated the candidate for his endless string of insults, called the JFK–talk “nuts,” and had written, “Trump’s scorched-earth tactics have left deep wounds that make victory more uncertain.” “West Virginia?” Trump interrupted. “I did really good in the primary there. I can win West Virginia—that’s a big Republican state.”had lost it by 15 points four years earlier. The last time it had gone for Republicans in an open-seat presidential race was 1928, and it took nominating a New York Catholic to bring all the Methodists and Presbyterians and Baptists out of the hills and hollows of West Virginia to vote Republican.
On June 20, at last hearing the pleas of his children, Trump fired his campaign manager. Lewandowski had been a disruptive presence for good and for ill, encouraging Trump’s primal political instincts but never refining them. Replacing him atop the campaign wasthe veteran scoundrel who’d sworn to friends that he was joining Trump’s team only to help with the convention operation and nothing else.
Conway was already well acquainted with Trump himself; she had polled on his behalf in 2011, when he was flirting with a presidential run in 2012. They were a natural pairing: Conway had spent her career pushing the party establishment to ditch its concerns about “electability” and embrace outsider candidates who could reach new voters. In this sense, although he’d defeated her preferred candidate in Cruz, Trump’s vanquishing of the GOP was the realization of her life’s work.
And yet as time passed, the governor had grown more intrigued. The wholesome, aw-shucks, milk-drinking routine mastered by Pence belied the beating heart of a shrewd and ferociously ambitious politician, and he saw in Trump someone who had achieved a preternatural connection with the electorate, channeling voters’ anxieties in a way he had never witnessed. The longer Pence watched, the more he gravitated toward this source of power.
The Indiana governor decided to make a request of Trump’s campaign. Before proceeding any further—and certainly before answering, if the offer were extended—Pence wanted his family to spend time with Trump’s family. He assumed that such an ask was unrealistic given the time constraints on a presidential campaign; if Trump could not accommodate him, Pence figured, he would know that it wasn’t meant to be.Almost immediately, however, Trump responded in the affirmative.
As the weekend wore on—and especially after a breakfast in which Trump charmed the Pences’ 23-year-old daughter,who had accompanied her parents on the visit—Pence found himself smitten with Trump. The Indiana governor began to believe that his friends in the governing class had gotten their nominee all wrong. No longer was he the pursued; Pence became openly desirous of the position.
Trump climbed onto the stage with a satisfied smile, mouthing “wow” and pointing to Pence. Concluding his speech nearly an hour later, Trump said, “I don’t know whether he’s gonna be your governor or your vice president—who the hell knows?”
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