Kevin McCarthy is “a careerist with a flexible set of principles and a history of catering to the far right,” JonathanBlitzer writes. At times, that has meant elevating old enemies and rivals.
, the vast majority of which were bound for Republican districts. This week, McCarthy pared back some of the bill’s measures in response to objections from other members. But the crux of it remained intact. “There wasn’t a strategy,” a Democratic House staffer told me. “They cut where they could get votes. It’s all posturing.” Chuck Schumer, the Senate Majority Leader, said the bill “might as well be called the Default on America Act, because that’s exactly what it is, D.O.A., dead on arrival.
A government default, which would likely plunge the U.S. into recession and sink the world economy, was politically unthinkable until 2011. At the time, Republicans controlled the House and the Senate, and a new conservative movement called the Tea Party was ascendant.
Congressional Republicans and the White House are now operating on a set of clashing assumptions. McCarthy thinks Biden will feel pressured to start negotiating; the President expects Republicans to blink. At the White House, officials have been looking at 2011 polling data, which showed that voters ultimately blamed congressional Republicans, and not the President, for the debt-ceiling fight.
Bacon, who is a member of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus, helped lead a round of talks earlier this spring about a framework for moving forward if the White House and McCarthy remained at odds. “We’re sixty-four people that know we need to negotiate,” he said. “We wanted to provide more of a decision framework versus hard numbers.” Ultimately, they proposed lifting the debt ceiling and then creating a long-term commission to study deficit spending.
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