For its makers, the metaverse will be stuffed with money, annawiener writes—in every dimension, all the way down.
.” The future of the industry, Bernevega and Gekker write, will be one of “fully assetized gaming,” in which “gamers will own neither the games nor the consoles” but pay for seasonal “battle passes” or owe subscription fees. At the same time, the logic of ownership will live on inside the games themselves, in the form of customizable skins for avatars, character attire weapons, tools, and so on, acquired through microtransactions.
In 2004, the president of Internet Gaming Entertainment—a virtual-asset-trading startup, established in 2001, that relied on the labor of low-wage players—estimated that the market for virtual goods and services was about eight hundred and eighty million dollars a year. By 2009, as many as a million “farmers” worked in China, many of them in tightly packed, open-plan computer labs, under conditions that were often compared, in the media, to sweatshops.
Above-board video-game marketplaces, meanwhile, have become more abundant and varied. These days, people spend more thana year on virtual goods sold in video games. Game-studies scholars have long argued that gaming allows players to experiment with new identities and modes of being: “Virtual games simulate identities as citizen-soldiers, free-agent workers, cyborg adventurers, and corporate criminals,” Dyer-Witheford and de Peuter write.
The metaverse, if it takes off, will reflect its cultural and technological moment, too. Taking cues from today’s tech ecosystem, it will probably be privatized, centralized, and financialized, with rampant artificial scarcity. Players of FarmVille were not digital natives; players of games like Fortnite and Minecraft almost certainly are, and, in the metaverse, will be the target audience for companies selling digital skins, virtual trinkets, and cloud-based space.
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