As the left did in earlier struggles for colonial liberation, it should stand against imperialism in Ukraine.
should not gain anything for itself
This is also true for China, the Soviet Union, England, and all the other great powers. To have the future of Vietnam decided by these outside powers at an international conference is as much a violation of self-determination as was the settlement of Czechoslovakia’s fate by Hitler, Mussolini, Daladier, and Chamberlain in 1938 at Munich.
In a sense, Senator Mansfield was right in speaking of the sense of utter irresponsibility shown by demonstrators. They should have been demanding not an end to the bombing of North Vietnam and negotiations, but a complete and immediate withdrawal of all American troops and—an end to any forceful interference in the internal affairs of Vietnam or any other nation.
Some groups, like the Progressive Labor Party, denounced Hanoi for agreeing to talks and the Paris Peace Treaty. But the dominant radical view was that even though the United States had no moral right to negotiate, it was up to the Vietnamese, and not holier-than-thou outsiders, to decide if and when the costs of fighting required them to come to the table and make concessions.
A second argument why the Ukraine-Vietnam analogy doesn’t work is that the left’s primary obligation is to fight the wrongdoing of its own government, and, therefore, in both wars the U.S. left should be opposing U.S. imperialism. But while of course U.S. leftists should always oppose U.S. imperialism, that doesn’t mean that they should define themselves in opposition to whatever position the U.S. government takes in every case. For example, when the U.S.
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